I-Juca-Pirama by Gonçalves Dias is Poetry Juca Pirama é considerada pelos críticos como um dos mais elaborados poemas do Romantismo brasileiro. O título. por Gonçalves Dias. Dados de edição indisponíveis [iniciar]. Versão com todos os cantos em uma só página: I Juca Pirama Esta obra tem uma. I'd like to recommend the place where everyone could probably find i juca pirama pdf editor, but probably, you would need to register there.
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PDF | On Aug 1, , Teresa K Buchanan and others published Family insight through literature and drama: A teaching strategy revisited. I-Juca-Pirama is a short narrative poem by Brazilian author Gonçalves Dias. It first appeared in Create a book · Download as PDF · Printable version. I-Juca Pirama - Ebook written by Gonçalves Dias. Read this book using Google Play Books app on your PC, android, iOS devices. Download for offline reading.
How tasty was my Frenchman shows, melancholically, the downfall of Tupi civilization and its ritualistic practices.
However, the chief remains determined to devour the prisoner, especially after that he, fighting as a brave warrior, proved himself worthy of the sacrifice to which he was destined. The symbolic division of the body of the victim is repeated in the following sequence, where Seboipep describes to Jean how will be the ceremony of his sacrifice: after his death, the women will take his body, throw hot water on him and reduce him to pieces.
While listening to the details of his consumption by the tribe, the Frenchman shows no horror, but a serene behavior, learning what to say and how to behave during the ritual. Seboipep, as the chief had done, asks Jean if he will cry like the Portuguese do, or if he will behave bravely.
Romanticized by the poet, the situation corresponds to the Tupi tradition in whose only the warriors were admitted as prey in the anthropophagous ceremonial, since they shared the same set of values of their tormentors, dynamics proven by Hans Staden who, as says Darcy Ribeiro , was three times led to death and for three times was refused by the Indians, who did not accept to eat the flesh of a man who cried and shit himself RIBEIRO, In the movie, at the end of the description of the anthropophagous rite, Seboipep and Jean exchange a passionate kiss, while the woman caresses the neck whith which, later, she will nourish herself.
Witnessing the amorous effusions of the couple, the sequence symbolically merges the sexual and cannibal acts. Therefore, in the last scenes, the anthropophagous feast is not offered to the spectator as a tragic and macabre image, but as a joyful ritual, full of positive symbolic meaning: after the collective deglutition of the sacrificial victim, the final sequence shows the first plans of the warriors of the tribe, portrayed in a moment of triumph over their enemy.
For the Russian theorist, the body was the symbolic core of folk medieval representations where the act of eating and banquet scenes played a relevant role. Hence, to this day, in every image of a pasture consumed are perpetuated the marks of a carnivalesque feast in which the figurations of victorious battles - the dismembered bodies of the enemies and the fire in which are burn their remains - are mixed with the Images of the kitchen, the slaughter of animals, roasted and devoured meat BAKHTIN, This is why, in the popular imaginary, bodies human, collective or cosmic are always in the stage of mutation: they fecundate, kill, dismember and devour other bodies to die and function as a nourishment of a universe in metamorphosis, in which to die means to be reborn in a new form BAKHTIN, From this perspective, it is not surprising that in Brazil, the modernists from the twenties and the Tropicalists from the seventies, in polemic with the official culture, had found in the anthropophagy and the idea of "swallowing the other" a valid metaphor for creative practices that retake Brazilian cultural matrices and, at the same time, maintaining the openness to the technological advance of contemporaneity.
Regarding the anthropophagic perspective in How tasty was my Frenchman, Nelson Pereira dos Santos stated: The conception of the plot is based on the recovery of the Brazilian culture, colonized from centuries ago.
The indigenous used to eat the enemy to acquire his powers, not to feed himself physically. It was a ritual. The more powerful the enemy, the more appetizing he was. SALEM, , p. Among them, those of the romantics of our literature, who saw in the national indigenous past the possibility of assigning a noble and chivalrous genealogy to the Brazilian people. In the case of the filmmaker, however, it was not a matter of finding a national correspondent to the European artistic model, but of developing through its own cultural substrate an independent, authentic and original language.
One of the most evident signs of this attempt is the choice for the Tupi as the spoken language in the movie, with dialogues written by Humberto Mauro, recognized pioneer of Brazilian cinema. To give authenticity to this process of cultural rescue, a kind of alternative community was organized during the filming, with actors and crew worked naked to learn to live the exposure of their own body as a natural fact.
Publicly displayed, but at no time exploited from an eroticizing or pornographic point of view, naked bodies would be decisive in the reception phase of the film. In Cannes, the movie was refused because of the nudity of the characters, and in Brazil, it was only after several negotiations that Nelson Pereira dos Santos managed to convince the censorship authorities that the actors were naked for a matter of historic rigor, since the Indians did not wear clothes during the colonization.
The censors came to accept the argument, tolerating the nakedness of the natives, but vehemently opposed that of the Frenchman. The news stirred up the cultural debates of the period, and in a chronicle published by Jornal do Brasil in , the writer Clarice Lispector asked: "Maybe it is my innocence, but please answer me: What is the difference between the naked body of an indigenou and the naked body of a white man?
Later, the film would eventually receive the censorship visa obligatory during the military dictatorship , with some cuts. The nudity of the bodies would then be interpreted by the critic Rubens Edwald Filho as the cause of the good box-office of the work, the first in which the actors remained naked from beginning to end SALEM, Contrary to what the critic insinuated, however, the presence of the naked actors it's not enough to explain the good reception of the public.
Like other films that adhered to the themes and styles of the Tropicalist movement, How tasty was my Frenchman managed to provoke great response on the part of the spectators. The same response that the Cinema Novo, with its first movies, had not been able to stimulate, making then the authors consider the public one of the biggest "obstacles" to be surpassed by the movement. However, despite the success of this language, the meaning given to it by the receiver not always converged with the one intended by the authors.
In the case of How Tasty Was My Frenchman, specifically, the viewers liked the film, but did not understand it completely. According to Nelson Pereira dos Santos: "The public did not identify with my ideas.
They identified with the French, with the colonizer. All spectators lamented the death of the hero. They did not understand that the hero was the indigenous, not the white, so much were them influenced by the adventures of John Wayne" SALEM, , The heroic role played by indigenous in the movie was emphasized by the filmmaker in another interview, where he said that the relationship between the Indians and the settlers was a metaphor of the relationship between First and Third Worlds, highlighting the issue of weapons: "The film tells the story of the great chief Cunhambebe, who dreams of achieving the power to use cannons against Portuguese enemies.
One of the great qualities of How Tasty was my Frenchman is the opposition to an Eurocentric perspective, choosing to focus in the fierce reaction of the colonized to the violent process of conquest. However, even considering Nelson Pereira dos Santos' effort to approach the indigenous subject in a non-superficial way, it is interesting to observe how the indigenous figure - useful to the romantic imagination in the nineteenth century as well as to the modernist in the early twentieth century — in the seventies was also functionalized to the representation of an intellectual ideal of nation.
There so, we can detect in the movie traces of permanence of what Antonio Candido identified as a Brazilian cultural tendency to the formation of an ennobling genealogy, that is, to the selection in the past of elements that fit the construction of an ideological image, or even Mythological, useful to the present CANDIDO, Thus, the movie ends up operating what Boaventura de Souza Santos defined as the excess of mythic interpretation of the past, which would be characteristic of societies without a philosophical or scientific tradition as in the case of Portugal SANTOS, , and Brazil.
Does national identity therefore actually exist? Yes, but as I hope to show, it always exists discursively, as a representation or as an idea that is open to contestation and change over time. How does it take shape in Brazil?
In many ways— for example, we can observe its workings through a study of law, politics, religion, and even historical linguistics. For instance, I have little or nothing to say about constitutional law, definitions of citizenship, geographical-territorial boundaries, industrial economies, or popular customs. They are worthy of study in their own right and have been given relatively little attention, at least in the academic world, along the lines in which I have tried to discuss them.
The process of selecting writers, artists, and works was challenging, partly because I was covering five hundred years in a changing culture. In lieu of an encyclopedic survey of the arts, I constructed a series of histori- cal moments in which one or more art forms become dominant or strongly influential. Thus my discussion of the colonial period focuses chiefly on cartography and visual arts, while in my chapter on the nineteenth cen- tury I give most of the attention to literature.
When I reach the twentieth century, the materials under consideration are increasingly public, so that I discuss modern architecture, city planning, films, and television. I have also tried to explore the ways in which both foreigners and native-born Bra- zilians have imagined the country.
Anyone who has studied Brazil knows that there are myriad accounts of the nation written by foreign travelers.
Curiously, the image of Bra- zil produced by Brazilians themselves has received far less critical atten- tion. My aim instead is to concentrate on Brazilian materials, occasionally show- ing the relationship between local and foreign imaginaries.
In all cases, I have indicated the sociopolitical and economic interests and concerns that played a part in the image-making process. Although I have attempted to provide as many examples of national im- agery as is feasible, by no means is the material exhaustive or complete. Just as the actual social situation will largely govern contemporary selection, so the development of society, the process of his- torical change, largely determine the selective tradition.
We tend to under- estimate the extent to which the cultural tradition is not only a selection but also an interpretation. We see most past work through our own experience, without even making the effort to see it in something like its original terms. What analy- sis can do is not so much to reverse this, returning a work to its period, as to make the interpretation conscious of showing historical alternatives; to relate the interpretation of the particular contemporary values on which it rests; and, by exploring the real patterns of the work, to confront us with the real nature of the choices we are making.
Every element that we analyze will be in this sense active: that it will be seen in certain real relations, at many different levels. In describing these relations, the real cultural process will emerge.
Unlike Alves and Nabuco, who wrote celebrated and canonical anti- slavery works during and after the abolitionist movement, Gama focused on the issue of race itself in Brazil. Among his poems are tour de force satires directed at middle- and upper-class Brazilians of African descent who try to pass as white.
Perhaps for that reason, Gama never gained entry into the Brazilian literary canon. My book is concerned with a great variety of nationalistic themes in dis- tinct historical periods and at different cultural levels. I have attempted to show how national identity is shaped in the colonial and postcolonial eras, in times of dictatorship and democracy, and in response to moder- nity and postmodernity.
At certain junctures I also indicate how the image of Brazil has been influenced by the politics and culture of other nations, particularly France and the United States. The first of these is race, which becomes an important issue from the moment European colonizers encounter indig- enous peoples and which lies behind the present-day recognition that the nation is made up of a multiracial population, much of it black.
The contrast in these views of the natural world is vividly evident to- day in the long-unequal distribution of landownership and especially in the ever-increasing conflict between ecology and commerce. At the outset I emphasize the importance of historiography, cartogra- phy, engravings, and woodcuts to the construction of the first images of Brazil.
Those engravings not only refuted earlier im- ages of Brazil as a paradise populated with Edenic inhabitants, as recorded by the Portuguese royal scribe Pero Vaz de Caminha and others, but also helped to bolster and justify an aggressive colonial campaign to enslave and ultimately rid the Brazilian coast of the native presence.
In Chapter Two, I show how the contrasting images of Brazil as terres- trial Eden and barbarous land continued to be explored in Dutch paintings by artists who accompanied Prince Johan Maurits von Nassau-Siegen to Pernambuco in the seventeenth century. Although scenes of anthropopha- gy appear on Dutch maps and in other works of the time, they are relatively few and always subordinate to images of passive if not friendly natives, happy African slaves, and an energetic commerce—all of which was de- vised to encourage Dutch colonization.
The discovery of gold and diamonds in the mid-eighteenth century confirmed early proph- esies of Brazil as a land rich in precious stones, which resulted in represen- tations of the country along the lines of a tropical Eldorado. That image contrasted sharply with pictorials and accounts of the brutal treatment and death of African slaves who were brought to Brazil to work the mines and plantations.
Early writings by the newly arrived immigrants complained about the lack of civ- ilization in Brazil and drew unfavorable comparisons between the country and the homeland left behind. The opening of Brazilian ports to overseas commerce in encouraged the arrival of various foreign scientific expeditions that documented flora and fauna and produced ethnographies of its people.
Travelers like the British-born Maria Graham and John Mawe kept diaries of their visits that described in detail the problems and impact of imported notions of civilization on a people and nation eager for independence. As I discuss in Chapter Four, al- though the Indian had appeared earlier in Brazilian literature, the European romantics, including the Portuguese poet Almeida Garrett and the French Brazilianist Ferdinand Denis, encouraged their Brazilian cohorts to adopt the figure of the noble savage as a national symbol.
On the other hand were the more widely published books about the city and the urban middle class. Blacks rarely figured in either genre; when they did ap- pear, they were usually cast as slaves. However, the image of the slave took on new meaning in abolitionist writings and oratory of the period, efforts Introduction 7 toward emancipation that were finally rewarded in Despite emancipa- tion, the suffering slave continued to be evoked in speeches and writings as a metaphor for a nation eager to wrest its freedom from the imperial monarchy.
The freeing of the slaves anticipated by one year the overthrow of Emperor Pedro II and the establishment of the republic. At the same time, novelist Machado de Assis was charting a new course for Brazilian literature that shifted emphasis from romantic nationalism to a more cos- mopolitan, proto-modernist sensibility with which he dissected the values and foibles of the growing bourgeoisie. Once again the Indian was called forth as a national sym- bol.
Instead of the romantic bon sauvage, however, poet Oswald de Andrade summoned the anthropophagous figure as part of a modernist counter- colonialist strategy: the local culture would ingest as oppose to emulate foreign sources in order to strengthen what was endemic to the nation.
Good Neighbor policy, which fostered cultural exchanges and an emphasis on both modernity and exoticism. During this time Hollywood transformed Carmen Miranda into a colorful, amiable, and tropical Latin icon—an image that endured long after the end of World War II. The early oscillating images of Brazil as Edenic and barbarous reemerge in the later part of the twentieth century as Cinema Novo films about the 8 brazil imagined utopian possibilities of a poor but developing nation accede to darker pic- tures of a dystopia plagued by corruption, drugs, and violence.
The contradiction is espe- cially evident in the major cityscapes, where towering multinational build- ings and high-end shopping centers appear alongside modest housing and sprawling favelas, or slums. This course took his armada directly west to Porto Seguro and the coastline of what is today Bahia. The captain gave the name of Monte Pascoal [Easter Mountain] to the tall mountain and to the land he gave the name the Land of Vera Cruz.
Unlike the customary brief messages written to the king by Cabral and other ship captains about the sighting, Caminha penned a lengthy mis- sive fourteen folios, front and back that is remarkably detailed and ethno- graphic in its descriptions of the land, the people Tupiniquims, or Tupis , and their customs.
Caminha is modest about his abilities as a scribe, telling Dom Manuel that he is the least equipped to put these matters into writing; nonetheless he assures him that he will strive neither to play up aformosen- tar, to make beautiful nor play down afear, to make ugly what he has seen.
His letter has long been recognized as the official record of the first contact between the Portuguese and native Brazilians. No indigenous documents exist on this or any other encounter between the two groups. For centuries, maritime accounts of new lands and peoples were regarded along with charts, maps, and illustrations as historical documents and, therefore, as truth. Although the armada had landed in one of the more humid areas in the tropics, he described the weather as cool and temperate and compared it with the climate of northern Portugal.
He praised in particular the bountiful forests filled with different species of trees including the dyewood, also known as brazilwood, which would be- come the first commodity exported by the Portuguese , the vast mountain ranges, and the sweet and plentiful waters of the rivers. He was amazed by the abundance of shrimp of a size he had never before seen and by the ma- caws and vibrantly colored parrots of multiple hues.
Although he did not see many other birds while on shore, he inferred from the number of trees and forested areas that they were many. And the dye was so red that it would neither wash off nor dissolve in the water.
The Captain made him take it out. Caminha also commented on their basic foodstuffs of seeds and yams and their fear and suspicion of unknown ani- mals such as lambs and chickens that were brought on the ships. Following a welcome ceremony, they were given food and drink which they tasted and subsequently spit out ; when night fell, they curled up on the floor and fell asleep, and the cap- tain ordered his men to cover them with blankets, and pillows were eased beneath their heads.
He gave special attention to their curiosity about the Catholic masses conducted while the Portuguese were on shore and approved of the ways they imitated the Europeans by remaining silent during the services and standing and kneeling at different parts of the ceremony. As important as gold, spices, and other precious commodities were potential converts to Christianity who could help the Portuguese empire deter the spread of Islam. Indeed, the Treaty of Tordesillas was enacted specifically to allow the Portuguese and Spanish to claim territories for their respective kingdoms as long as the native inhabitants were non-Christian.
He con- cluded his account of the New World by drawing links between Christi- anity, colonization, and commerce. The rest of the armada continued its voyage to India, where Caminha died in December during an attack by Hindi locals on the Portuguese trading post in Calicut.
Although his letter remained unpublished until , it is a prototype of an emerging literary sensibility known as ufanismo, whose rhetoric is characterized by glowing and often highly exaggerated descriptions of New World lands and peoples.
In fact, he made only one brief reference to the people of Santa Cruz, stating that they were nude, innocent, and peaceful. From Cape Verde, Vespucci traveled from what was believed to be the mouth of the Amazon River to the Rio de la Plata region, helping to establish with greater exactitude the line that separated Portuguese from Spanish hold- ings. What is there to say of the quantity of birds, their plumes and colors and songs and how many kinds and how beautiful they are?
Although Vespucci was clearly moved by the riches of the land, he was far more judgmental than Caminha in his assessment of the native popula- tion. And this is for certain, for in their houses we found human flesh hung up for smoking, and a lot of it. Woodcuts represented native Brazilians as trans- planted classical Greek or Roman figures with long, curly, golden tresses, and a few men even sported beards.
Edenic and Cannibal Encounters 17 Attributed to the German Johann Froschauer, it is a broadside, and its in- scription reads: This figure represents to us the people and island which have been discovered by the Christian King of Portugal or by his subjects. The people are thus naked, handsome, brown, well-shaped in body, their heads, necks, arms, private parts, feet of men and women are a little covered with feathers.
The men also have many precious stones in their faces and breasts. No one also has anything, but all things are in common. And the men have as wives those who please them, be they mothers, sisters, or friends, therein make they no distinction. They also fight with each other. They also eat each other and even those who are slain, and hang the flesh of them in the smoke. They become a hundred and fifty years old.
And have no government. To the far right of the woodcut, two men, one bearded, the other clean- shaven, appear to be in friendly conversation, while another bearded man and young boy are looking back at the nursing mother.
In the left corner and behind the mother figure is a group of four people standing around a headless body that is stretched out on its side. Although the body has little definition and could be that of an animal, one of the men is clearly chewing on a limb that has a hand and fingers attached.
In the center background of the illustration and hanging from a makeshift rack over an open fire are human body parts, including a head, an arm, and a leg. Although cannibal- ism is far from an Edenic activity, the image in the woodcut has a certain benign, almost pastoral look. In fact, the face of the severed head is turned in the direction of the two men in amiable conversation—as if it were some- how partaking of their fellowship. Moreover, all male and female sexual organs are concealed—even those of the children.